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Home Analysis

No youth, no future for Myanmar

Aung Tun - Independent

June 10, 2025
in Analysis, Arakan, Burma
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In Brief
Myanmar’s youth have been leading anti-military resistance efforts following the February 2021 coup. A political solution is necessary to Myanmar’s crisis, and the youth must play a central role in this process. The youth advocate for a federal democratic future, addressing past injustices and promoting social equity. Their inclusion in political dialogues and peace processes is vital to achieving meaningful change and guiding Myanmar towards a sustainable future.

Following the military coup of February 2021, Myanmar has become one of the most militarised societies in the region. This transformation has had a particularly detrimental impact on the lives and futures of its young people who are leading resistance. It is time to put Myanmar’s youth at the heart of its political future.

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In response to the violent crackdown on peaceful protests, more than 300 People’s Defense Force battalions (PDF) — largely composed of youth, with or without formal affiliation to the National Unity Government — have emerged across the country. At the same time, the military has intensified forced conscription, targeting males under 35 and females under 27, further exacerbating militarisation. More than four years into this turmoil, the military’s authority remains deeply contested. Significant swaths of territory are under the control of PDFs and longstanding ethnic revolutionary organisations. Peace remains a distant dream.

Yet even the military regime, along with international actors like ASEAN and the United Nations, implicitly understands a fundamental truth — Myanmar’s crisis cannot be resolved by military means. A political solution is the only viable path forward. The pressing question is not if, but how, to realise this solution.

The junta has floated plans to hold elections in late 2025 or early 2026, claiming this will mark a return to relative stability. But without credible guarantees for the inclusion of key parties — like the National League for Democracy and Shan Nationalities League for Democracy — such elections risk being hollow exercises. Even if they participate, the prevailing political turmoil casts serious doubt on the possibility of meaningful contestation. In Arakan State, where the Arakan Army — a powerful ethnic armed group — has significant control over many areas, elections will be extremely difficult to conduct and unlikely to foster stability.

More fundamentally, elections alone do not amount to a political solution. Genuine progress must begin by acknowledging and engaging a constituency that is too often sidelined — Myanmar’s youth. Ignoring their voices — when they have already paid a high price for their vision of a better future — would not only be unjust, but self-defeating.

Myanmar’s history offers valuable lessons. Young leaders like Aung San spearheaded the independence movement, whose bold ideas shaped the birth of the nation. Today’s youth are once again stepping forward — armed not just with resistance, but with a serious commitment to justice and a belief in a more inclusive Myanmar.

This is not unique to Myanmar. In neighbouring Bangladesh, youth-led protests played a decisive role in ending Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s 16-year rule in 2024. The interim government that followed actively sought to engage youth voices in its democratic transition. Similarly, in Kenya in 2024, the Gen Z protests, also known as the #RejectFinanceBill Movement, significantly influenced the government’s response to key issues like cost of living and political reform, leading to the withdrawal of the controversial Finance Bill. Myanmar’s path is different, and its challenges more complex, but lessons from elsewhere are certainly instructive.

As of 2025, what sets this generation apart is a forward-looking vision that goes beyond resistance. Many of Myanmar’s youths are advocating for a federal democratic future — one that redistributes power between the centre and Myanmar’s ethnically diverse regions. This represents a transformative shift away from the entrenched centralised governance. While older political leaders sometimes voice rhetorical agreement, many remain disconnected from federalism, and some have historically benefited from the status quo.

Myanmar’s youth are also opening up long-silenced conversations. Many now acknowledge past injustices against the Rohingya and have extended public apologies — an issue historically avoided or inflamed by past governments. The youth have championed LGBTQ+ rights and formed women-led PDFs, seeing the anti-military resistance as not just about overthrowing authoritarianism but about building a more free and equitable society. With new technologies like artificial intelligence transforming societies, this generation — not the old guard — is best positioned to lead Myanmar into a sustainable future.

Plus, the youth are leading difficult conversations. Myanmar’s elusive national unity is crucial to the country’s political success at this critical juncture. For youth, unity is not merely political — it is deeply emotional and relational. Healing Myanmar’s deep scars requires listening, accountability, reconciliation and practical trust-building. The youth have a profound understanding of these requirements and are actively implementing them in practice. Youth-led PDFs have coordinated with ethnic revolutionary organisations to drive offensives against the military. While older generations often carry unresolved trauma, the youth are leading calls for mutual recognition and forgiveness.

It is now imperative that all stakeholders — whether armed resistance groups, political leaders in exile or international mediators — actively engage and include youth voices in political dialogues and peace processes. This does not necessarily mean forming youth-led political parties. Rather, it means integrating their perspectives, values and lived experiences into every step of political decision-making. Their future should not be decided without them.

Aung Tun is a former visiting fellow with the Myanmar Studies Programme at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, and has been a development practitioner as well as a researcher on Myanmar’s affairs over decades.

https://doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1749549600
EAF | Uncategorized | No youth, no future for Myanmar

Source: eastasiaforum.org
Tags: Arakan ArmyASEANmilitary coupPeople’s Defense Force

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